Thinking (too) big thoughts about Islamism

Francis Fukuyama (with the help of one Nadav Samin) has produced a think piece for Commentary with the provocative title Can Any Good Come of Radical Islam? It’s interesting primarily as evidence for what happens when a really big reality (like 9/11) collides head-on with a really big idea (like Fukuyama’s “end of history”). Inevitably, the idea crumples to absorb the shock.

Fukuyama, who is nothing if not persistent, concurs that Islamism is a destructive force that warrants comparison with communism and fascism. But it might also be a modernizing one—it might, despite itself, strip away the traditional constraints that have prevented Muslims from modernizing. And if Islamism, in turn, can be stripped of its ideology, then perhaps it might turn out to be a blessing in disguise. Quote:

The Islamists clearly hope to reunite religion and political power one day, which would be a disaster. But they are learning—and inculcating—habits of association and independent action that, if somehow divorced from their radical ideology, might yet help lay the groundwork of a true civil society.

And again, on the fact that Bin Laden, a layman, dared to issue a fatwa (calling, by the way, for killing American civilians):

The mere fact that bin Laden was willing to cross this line shows the extent to which Islamism has undermined traditional Islamic legal authority. But a line crossed in the name of waging all-out war against the West may yet be crossed in the name of healthier purposes.

Such developments “may yet help pave the way for long-overdue reform. If so, this would certainly not be the first time that the cunning of history has produced so astounding a result.” And so we are back on the road to the “end of history” after all.

So has “endism” successfully absorbed the shock? I’m not persuaded. In Fukuyama, Hegel springs eternal, and it was Hegel who passed this judgment (early in the nineteenth century): “Islam has long vanished from the stage of history, and has retreated into oriental ease and repose.” The sheer refusal of Islam to do just that remains one of the principle flaws of “endism,” from Hegel to this day—that is, for as long as the modern West has rubbed shoulders with Islam. In theory, of course, Islam might be reformed into irrelevance. The late Ernest Gellner even opined that while Islam “did not engender the modern world, it may yet, of all the faiths, turn out to be the one best adapted to it.” But in actual practice, real Muslims have treated their would-be Luthers very shabbily; the space between Islamism and the authoritarian state remains a leaderless void, which neither side has an interest in filling.

The danger of Fukuyama’s argument is that it could encourage complacency. He really does not come down very far from the starry-eyed Middle East experts. I think in particular of Georgetown political scientist Michael Hudson, who once told a congressional committee that “whatever the ultimate intent of Islamist movements, their current function is a liberalizing one.” Fukuyama would just switch the adjectives around: whatever the current intent of Islamist movements, their ultimate function is a liberalizing one. It’s a short distance from this point, to the argument that we should welcome Islamist seizures of power, so as to speed up the inevitable process of regeneration. And Fukuyama’s idea that Islamist “independent action” might “lay the groundwork of a true civil society” sounds precisely like the argument of John Esposito (who’s also scrambling to fix his crumpled fender).

In any case, Fukuyama’s thesis can’t be proved or disproved in any near term, and it is pointless to debate it. Its policy implications are vague at best. And it doesn’t change the fact that at this moment in time, it isn’t Islamism but “endism” that (to paraphrase Hegel) has “vanished from the stage of history”—even if it still crops up on the (unlikely) pages of Commentary.

How have they changed?

The American media this week have focused on this theme: How have we changed since 9/11? Far less attention has been given to the issue of how they have changed “they” referring to the social and political nexus that produced the hijackers of 9/11.

This morning, The Washington Post ran a piece by Bernard Lewis, under the title Targeted by a History of Hatred. But the headline-writer missed the point of the essay: it was not hatred that produced 9/11, but contempt. The hatred, as Lewis points out, has been growing for some years, but “a more important question, less frequently asked, is the reason for the contempt with which they regard us.” The contempt arises from the fact that the United States has radiated irresolution and weakness in the face of challenges put up by Middle Eastern assailants.

In an address almost a year ago, I listed what had to be done to squelch that contempt:

You must smite your enemy in a decisive and demonstrative way. This requires two things. First, you must get rid of the Taliban regime. The United States has not deposed a regime in the Middle East in fifty years. It must do so now. Second, you must get Osama bin Laden and not in one, two, or sixteen years. Every day he lives is an affront to American credibility. Let me be clear: nothing you do will ever even the score for September 11. But do these two things, and you will rebuild the gaping hole left in your wall of deterrence. Do these two things, and you will create awe and fear among the multitudes. Fail, and you will engender derision and contempt and the fear will be yours.

So the crucial question, one year after, is not how we have changed, but how they have changed above all, have they learned to fear us? Lewis ends his essay on the hopeful note that the destruction of terrorist bases in Afghanistan will have “compelled some revision of their earlier assessment of American weakness and demoralization.” But with bin Laden (and Mullah Omar) still at large along with much of al-Qa’ida’s leadership, Afghanistan in a tenuous state, and America’s leadership under question even by its allies, the authors of 9/11 still have room for hope. And to judge from the new terror alert, the fear is still ours.